An unprecedented political confrontation is unfolding in the simple, dusty streets of the Nepalese city of Damak. Pitching an aging political heavyweight against a rapper-turned-politician with a penchant for dark sunglasses and sharp suits, the battle could completely reshape the country’s politics.
As Nepal approaches its most exciting elections in years, at the forefront is 35-year-old Balendra Shah, known simply as Balen. He rose to fame as a popular rapper whose songs criticized the ruling elite, before turning to politics and winning a resounding victory to become mayor of Kathmandu in May 2022.
However, it was after Nepal witnessed the bloodiest day of protest in recent history – when a Gen Z uprising last September against corruption and a social media ban was met with police brutality and live fire across the country – that Balen emerged as a nationally popular and unifying figure, particularly among a Nepali youth widely angered by a political system they see as broken and unrepresentative.
The protests and resulting violence left more than 70 dead and quickly toppled the communist government of veteran Prime Minister KP Oli Sharma, which had long been dogged by accusations of corruption, nepotism and elitism. Balen was the top choice of Gen Z leaders to take over as interim leader, but he declined and opted to wait and fight at the polls.
“As mayor, Balen demonstrated that he could transform governance,” he said. Parbat Basnet, a 24-year-old business graduate and one of the leaders of the Generation Z uprising in Damak, which was also responded to by police gunfire.
“He could have accepted an unelected position of power after the protests, but instead he chose the democratic path. He wants to defeat corrupt leaders through the ballot box so that both leaders and voters change their minds.”
For many in Nepal – particularly the 46% of the population under the age of 24 – this week’s polls are a crucial test of whether the frustrations and demands that fueled the Gen Z uprising can be harnessed for sustained political change, or whether the old guard will simply reclaim their thrones.
Basnet stressed that the consequences of the uprising were not only felt among young people in the elections. Nepal’s difficult electoral system has entrenched an endless cycle of weak coalition governments and widespread electoral fatigue; The country has had 31 prime ministers in 35 years, including several who returned repeatedly.
“But the energy in this election is different,” Basnat said. “Even old voters are finally questioning the leaders: Where is the gas pipeline they promised? Where is the railroad? Where is the development they talked about?”
“Before, leaders were treated like gods. Now people demand accountability.”
Nowhere is this more palpable than in the Jhapa-5 constituency and its central city of Damak. For years, this region has been the stronghold of four-time Prime Minister Oli and his Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist), known as UML.
After Oli announced that he would run for office again, despite his abrupt ouster six months ago, Balen resigned as mayor of Kathamndu and announced that he would compete directly for Oli’s seat and run for prime minister.
Since then, Balen’s status has skyrocketed to meteoric heights and the “Balen effect” seemed contagious throughout Jhapa-5. At a roadshow in Damak, large crowds gathered on the streets, on balconies, on rooftops and on trucks, and there was a flurry of attempts to touch Balen as he emerged from the roof window of his campaign truck dressed in his trademark black suit and sunglasses. Women who couldn’t contact him to take selfies collapsed in tears.
Sarita Baral, 23, was among those who took a precious selfie at the rally. Before the Gen Z protests, he said he had little political involvement, but that had all changed. Now he wanted to fight for a country where the majority of young people did not have to travel to exploitative jobs abroad, in places like the Gulf, to find employment.
“The youth of Nepal are very supportive of Balen because we want change, we want job opportunities and an end to corruption,” Baral said.
“Balen is different from other politicians, he doesn’t make big promises and seems brave. He could have contested from any constituency, but he chose Jhapa-5 to fight against KP Oli. That makes us feel that he is a bold leader.”
The contrast with Oli’s campaign was stark. As his campaign caravan passed through Damak, he was largely ignored. Speaking to The Guardian in rare comments from his home in the city, Oli was largely unrepentant about the violence unleashed in Gen Z protests against his government.
“The youth were deceived, they were taken to the streets and then the criminals hijacked their movements,” Oli said. “This was a conspiracy to overthrow my government. Yes, it was a matter of sadness, it made me very sad that people died. But their conspiracy was greater than our preparation, they wanted to burn the country.”
After his resignation, Oli was not seen in public for weeks, but denied fleeing or hiding. “This is bad propaganda,” he said, adding that there was “no doubt” he could win.
Oli’s UML retains strong loyalty, particularly in the more rural areas of Jhapa-5, where it has won six times. There have also been concerns about Balen’s campaign style, as well as his history of volatile social media posts and impulsive tendencies, which some fear could have geopolitical implications for a small landlocked country between China and India.
Balen has largely avoided mainstream media interviews in favor of posts on social media, where he has millions of followers, and his team did not respond to requests from The Guardian. On the campaign trail, his campaign style is unconventional and his interactions with voters are largely brief, leading to accusations that he avoids any difficult questions. On the rare occasions when Balen addressed the crowd, his remarks lasted no more than three minutes.
His silence seemed to irritate some in Jhapa. During an appearance in Gaurigunj, a small town about 20 miles from Damak, he simply smiled at the crowd and then moved on. “He walks from one place to another but doesn’t talk at all,” said Buddhimaya Kerung, 47. “If he wins, will it be even harder to hear?”
Just a few months ago, just before midnight, Balen posted on Facebook “Fuck America, Fuck India, Fuck China,” as well as other Nepali political parties. He deleted his post, but his lack of transparency about his foreign policy strategy and how he intends to handle the delicate struggle in Nepal between overwhelming Indian and Chinese interests remains a concern for some voters.
“Balen is not easily accessible, you can’t ask him questions anywhere. He waves to the crowd, gets on stage and that’s it,” said Kumar Khatiwada, 62, who said he would vote for Oli.
Gen Z figures supporting Balen also acknowledged that, despite all the hype, he remained unproven on the national stage.
“Yes, expectations are high, but I don’t follow him blindly because he’s a celebrity or a rapper,” Basnet said. “If he does well, I will support him. If he fails, I will question him. We must never stop questioning our leaders.”
